Abstract

Decluttering is the most common advice given to home sellers: 91% of agents surveyed by the National Association of Realtors in 2025 recommend it. This paper examines whether the advice is justified, drawing on perceptual and cognitive psychology, consumer and environmental psychology, behavioural economics and the real estate literature.

The paper finds that decluttering acts on three parties. For buyers, it reduces competition for limited visual attention, makes rooms easier to process and larger to the eye, supports the inference that the home has been maintained, and leaves room for the mental simulation of living there. For sellers, it counters the endowment effect and habituation, eases the stress of the listing period, and completes work the move requires anyway. For the transaction, it improves the photographs that now serve as the first showing, widens the pool of competing buyers, shortens the likely time on market and gives inspectors full access.

The evidence is uneven and the paper says where. The psychological mechanisms are well established but were mostly demonstrated outside housing. No controlled study isolates decluttering, and the best-known experiment on home presentation found that it changed buyers' impressions without changing what they would pay. The paper argues that the financial return comes through competition among buyers, not through any single buyer's valuation.

Decluttering is also ethically sound, because it reveals a property instead of concealing it. Its cost is labour, its downside is negligible, and it is warranted for almost every property, with defined exceptions.

1. Introduction

Decluttering is the most widely recommended step in preparing a home for sale, and the one on which practitioners most nearly agree. In the National Association of Realtors' 2025 Profile of Home Staging, 91% of agents said they recommend that sellers declutter, ahead of cleaning the whole home (88%) and improving curb appeal (77%) (NAR, 2025a). More than half of sellers' agents (51%) do not stage at all; they advise sellers to declutter and correct faults instead.

This paper asks why the advice is so nearly universal and whether it is justified. It draws on four bodies of work: perceptual and cognitive psychology, consumer and environmental psychology, behavioural economics, and the real estate literature on presentation and sale outcomes.

1.1 Definitions

The trade uses several terms loosely. This paper keeps them apart, because they differ in cost, in evidence and in ethical character.

Decluttering and depersonalizing are subtractive and nearly free. Staging and repair are additive and cost money. The first two are also preconditions for the others: a room cannot be cleaned, photographed, staged or inspected properly until it has been cleared.

1.2 Method and standard of evidence

This is a narrative review, not a meta-analysis. Three kinds of evidence appear, and the paper marks which is which.

• Experimental psychology. Controlled studies of attention, judgment and valuation. These are robust, but most were run on faces, products or simple displays, not on houses. Applying them to buyers is an inference.
• Field and correlational studies. Studies of real homes and real sales. These are closer to the question but rarely isolate decluttering from other preparation.
• Practitioner surveys. Reports of what agents observe. These are plentiful and consistent, but they measure belief, not sale outcomes.

1.3 Thesis

Decluttering works on three parties at once. It changes what the buyer perceives and can imagine, it changes how the seller relates to the property, and it removes friction from the transaction itself. Its cost is mostly labour and its downside is close to nil. The case for it therefore holds even on a conservative reading of the evidence, and it does not depend on the inflated price claims that circulate in the staging trade.

2. The buyer's perception

A buyer's judgment of a home begins before any deliberate evaluation, and clutter interferes at each early stage: first impression, attention, ease of processing, sense of space, and inference about care.

2.1 First impressions form quickly and persist

People form evaluative impressions within fractions of a second. Willis and Todorov (2006) found that judgments of faces made after 100 milliseconds agreed closely with judgments made without time limits. Lindgaard and colleagues (2006) found that viewers rated the visual appeal of web pages consistently after 50 milliseconds.

Neither study used rooms, so those timings should not be quoted for houses. The general finding does transfer: a global impression forms before details are examined, and later information is read in its light. Thorndike (1920) named this the halo effect, and Nisbett and Wilson (1977) showed that people are unaware of it when it operates on them.

For housing, the first impression now usually happens on a screen. In an eye-tracking study of online listings, Seiler, Madhavan and Liechty (2012) found that the photograph was viewed first and that photographs drew more viewing time than the text. A cluttered lead photograph sets the frame for everything the buyer reads afterwards, and often decides whether there is a showing at all.

2.2 Attention is a limited resource

The visual system cannot process everything in view at once. Objects compete for neural representation and suppress one another's signals (Desimone & Duncan, 1995; McMains & Kastner, 2011). Rosenholtz, Li and Nakano (2007) showed that as displays become more cluttered, people find what they are looking for more slowly and less accurately.

A showing lasts minutes. In that time the buyer has a fixed budget of attention, and every object on a counter competes with the counter. Clutter spends the buyer's attention on the seller's belongings instead of on what is for sale: light, layout, finishes and storage.

A caution is in order. The neuroscience studies used simple shapes on screens, not kitchens. Popular claims that this research proves a cluttered home impairs focus go beyond the data. What the research does establish is the mechanism: more visual items mean more competition for a fixed capacity.

2.3 What is easy to process feels better

People like things more when they can process them easily. Reber, Schwarz and Winkielman (2004) reviewed the evidence that clarity, symmetry, contrast and simplicity all raise liking, and that people credit the pleasant feeling to the object itself.

An ordered room with few objects is easy to parse, and the buyer experiences that ease as a quality of the house. A crowded room takes effort. The effort registers as mild unease that the buyer may never trace to its source, and simply reports as "it didn't feel right."

2.4 Perceived space

Buyers pay for space as they perceive it, and perception depends on contents. The research is consistent in direction, though modest in size.

• Imamoglu (1973) found an inverted-U relationship between furniture density and rated spaciousness in real rooms. Over-furnished rooms were judged least spacious.
• Imamoglu (1976) found that at the same furniture density, better-organized rooms were judged more spacious.
• Bokharaei and Nasar (2016) found that people judged spaces with less furniture as more spacious.
• Von Castell, Oberfeld and Hecht (2014) found a small effect in the same direction in scale-model rooms, but not in a virtual-reality follow-up.

The inverted U matters for practice. An empty room is not the target; a moderately furnished, well-organized one is. Section 8 returns to this.

Storage deserves separate mention. Buyers open closets and cupboards. A closet packed to the door reads as a house without enough storage, whatever the closet's dimensions. This is a practitioner observation, not an experimental result, but it follows directly from the findings above.

2.5 Inference from visible cues

Buyers cannot see wiring, drainage or the service history of the furnace. They infer the invisible from the visible. Gosling, Ko, Mannarelli and Morris (2002) found that strangers who looked at people's bedrooms and offices agreed with one another about the occupants' personalities and were partly accurate. Tidy, organized, uncluttered rooms led observers to rate the occupant as conscientious.

Buyers extend that inference to the building: a conscientious occupant is presumed to have cleaned the gutters and serviced the roof. The inference may be wrong in a given case, but it is the one buyers make. Bitner (1992) described the same process in commercial settings, where customers use physical surroundings as evidence of quality they cannot assess directly.

2.6 Arousal, comfort and time spent

Mehrabian and Russell (1974) proposed that environments carrying a high information load, meaning many, varied and disordered elements, raise arousal, and that people approach settings they find pleasant and leave settings they find unpleasant. A crowded home is a high-load environment. Buyers who are comfortable stay longer, and time in the house is exposure to its merits.

3. The buyer's imagination and identity

A home is bought as an imagined future, and the seller's possessions occupy the space where that imagining has to happen.

3.1 Mental simulation

Consumers evaluate products by imagining themselves using them. Escalas (2004) found that when people are led to picture themselves with a product, they become absorbed in the simulation, think less critically and form more favourable attitudes. Elder and Krishna (2012) found that images which make simulated use easier raise purchase intentions.

A buyer must picture their own furniture, their own mornings and their own guests in the house. In NAR's 2025 survey, 83% of buyers' agents said that staging made it easier for buyers to visualize a property as their future home (NAR, 2025a).

Clutter obstructs simulation in two ways. It physically hides the room. It also supplies a vivid, complete picture of someone else's life, and that picture has to be mentally erased before another can be drawn.

3.2 Possessions carry identity

Belk (1988) argued that people treat possessions as part of an extended self. Gosling and colleagues (2002) distinguished two kinds of trace that occupants leave in a room: identity claims, which are deliberate statements of who the person is, and behavioural residue, which is the unintended evidence of how they live.

A lived-in home is dense with both. Buyers read them automatically. The buyer becomes a visitor to someone else's biography instead of the main character in their own.

Depersonalizing has a second benefit that is easy to overlook. Religious objects, political material and family photographs disclose the seller's faith, politics, ethnicity and household. A buyer's reaction to any of these, favourable or not, has nothing to do with the property. Removing them protects the seller from prejudice and keeps the negotiation on the house.

3.3 Territory

Altman (1975) described the home as a primary territory, marked as such by personalization. Outsiders recognize the markers and behave as guests: restrained, brief, reluctant to open doors.

A buyer needs to do the opposite. They need to open cupboards, test taps, sit down and stay. Fewer territorial markers mean less sense of intrusion and a more thorough, more comfortable viewing.

3.4 Ownership felt before ownership held

Pierce, Kostova and Dirks (2003) identified three routes to the feeling that something is one's own: controlling it, coming to know it closely, and investing oneself in it. Peck and Shu (2009) found that merely touching an object, or imagining owning it, raised both the sense of ownership and the value placed on it.

A buyer who has mentally arranged the living room has started down those routes. Once the home feels partly theirs, losing it to another bidder is felt as a loss, and people work harder to avoid losses than to secure gains. This step chains together laboratory findings on small goods and has not been tested directly on house purchases. It is nonetheless the most plausible account of why buyers stretch for homes they have "fallen for."

3.5 What clutter tells the buyer about the seller

Belongings leak information. Half-packed boxes, a single occupant's things in a family home, medical equipment or unopened mail let a buyer guess at divorce, illness, financial strain or urgency. Each guess bears on how hard the buyer bargains.

There is also a privacy cost. Listing photographs persist online long after the sale. Anything visible in them, including valuables, documents and children's names, is published.

3.6 Summary of buyer-side mechanisms

4. The seller's psychology

Decluttering is as much an intervention on the seller as on the house. Three tendencies distort an owner's view of their own property, and the work of clearing it counters each.

4.1 The endowment effect

People value what they own above what the market will pay for it. Thaler (1980) named the effect. Kahneman, Knetsch and Thaler (1990) demonstrated it with coffee mugs: people who had just been given a mug demanded roughly twice as much to part with it as others were willing to pay for one.

The effect appears in housing markets. Genesove and Mayer (2001) studied Boston condominium sales and found that owners facing a loss relative to their purchase price set higher asking prices and took longer to sell.

A house full of one's life is a home. Sorting, packing and removing begins to convert it into a property. The seller starts the separation before the negotiation instead of during it. Agents commonly observe that sellers who have already packed negotiate more realistically; this is a practitioner observation, not a tested result.

4.2 Habituation

People stop noticing what is constantly present. NAR reports that the typical seller has lived in the home for about a decade before selling, and its 2025 buyer and seller survey put the median at 11 years (NAR, 2025a; NAR, 2025b). NAR's deputy chief economist, Jessica Lautz, has noted that over such a period owners come to overlook features that buyers will find unappealing (NAR, 2025a).

Decluttering forces an object-by-object reappraisal. Handling each item restores, for a while, the stranger's eye that habituation removed.

4.3 Attachment and the difficulty of letting go

If possessions are part of the self (Belk, 1988), removing them is a small loss of self. This explains why the advice meets resistance, especially from long-tenured and older owners, and in sales that follow bereavement or separation. Advice that ignores the attachment tends to fail.

A reframing helps. Decluttering for sale is mostly relocation, not disposal. The question is not "keep or discard?" but "does this need to be visible for the next sixty days?" That question is far easier to answer, and most of what is removed simply goes into boxes that the move would have required anyway.

4.4 Clutter, stress and well-being

Two studies link household clutter to poorer well-being.

• Saxbe and Repetti (2010) analysed the words that 60 dual-income spouses used when giving video tours of their own homes. Wives who described their homes in terms of clutter and unfinished projects showed flatter daily cortisol patterns, a profile associated with poorer health, and rising depressed mood through the day. The result held after controlling for marital satisfaction and neuroticism.
• Roster, Ferrari and Jurkat (2016) surveyed adults in the United States and Canada and found that clutter was negatively related to the psychological sense of home and to subjective well-being.

Both studies are correlational. They cannot show that clearing a home lowers stress, and low mood may itself cause clutter to build up. They are best read as support for a modest claim: the weeks of a sale are stressful, and an ordered home is an easier place to live through them.

There is a practical side as well. Showings come at short notice. A decluttered home can be made ready in minutes, which lowers the daily burden of being on the market.

4.5 Control and momentum

Sellers cannot control interest rates, competing listings or buyers. They can control presentation. Concrete work on something controllable is a reasonable response to an uncertain process.

The work is also not wasted under any outcome. Every box packed before listing is a box that does not have to be packed in the final days before completion, when time is shortest and decisions are worst.

5. Market evidence

The direct evidence on sale outcomes is thinner than the trade suggests. It supports a specific conclusion: presentation reliably changes buyers' impressions and probably the speed of sale, while its effect on price is uncertain.

5.1 What agents report

The largest current source is NAR's 2025 Profile of Home Staging, a survey of United States agents (NAR, 2025a).

Three cautions apply. The survey drew 1,266 usable responses from 49,806 agents invited, a 2.5% response rate. It measures what agents believe they observed, not transaction records. And most questions concern staging broadly, not decluttering alone.

Two results still stand out. Decluttering is the most common recommendation agents make, at 91%. And a majority of sellers' agents treat it as a substitute for staging, not an add-on.

5.2 What controlled research finds

The best-known published experiment on staging is by Lane, Seiler and Seiler (2015). About 800 homebuyers took virtual tours of the same house under different wall colours and furnishings and then said what they would pay.

• Buyers and agents both believed that the staging conditions would change willingness to pay.
• They did not. Valuations were not significantly different across conditions.
• Staging did change buyers' ratings of the home's livability and their overall opinion of it.

The authors concluded that good presentation is a necessary condition for a purchase but does not by itself raise the price. The study tested furnishings and wall colour. None of its conditions was a cluttered room, so it bounds the claims that can be made for presentation in general and does not measure decluttering.

Vercel (2021), in a sociological study of the staging trade, makes the related point that most claims of staging's efficacy rest on reports from agents and stagers, not on empirical tests.

5.3 The online filter

Most buyers now meet a home through its photographs. NAR's 2025 Profile of Home Buyers and Sellers reports the following (NAR, 2025b).

• 46% of buyers began their search by looking at properties online.
• 52% found the home they bought on the internet.
• 81% of buyers who searched online rated photographs as very useful, the highest of any website feature.

The photo set is therefore the first showing. Decluttering's earliest effect is on whether a buyer books a second one in person.

5.4 Reconciling the two kinds of evidence

Lane and colleagues found that presentation does not move a given buyer's valuation. Agents report better offers. Both can be true.

Decluttering need not change what any one buyer thinks the house is worth. It changes how many buyers click, how many visit, how long they stay, and how many remain interested afterwards. Price in a house sale is set by competition among the buyers who remain. Section 6 develops this.

5.5 Limits of the evidence

• No published controlled study isolates decluttering from other preparation.
• Figures circulated by staging firms compare homes whose owners chose to stage with homes whose owners did not. Those groups differ in price range, condition and seller motivation.
• The survey data are from the United States. The percentages should not be quoted as figures for Canada or any other market.
• Vacant homes sell for less (Turnbull & Zahirovic-Herbert, 2011), but that study attributes the discount mainly to the seller's holding costs and weaker bargaining position. It is not evidence about empty rooms as such.

6. Economics

Decluttering is a low-cost action with several independent routes to a financial return and, short of stripping rooms bare, no route by which it lowers the price.

6.1 An asymmetric bet

The costs are the seller's time, packing materials, and sometimes short-term storage and haulage. The return does not need to be certain to justify them.

An illustration, not a forecast: on an $800,000 home, a 1% better outcome is $8,000. A seller who thinks there is only one chance in four of achieving it still has an expected gain of $2,000, before counting any saving from a faster sale. The outlay on boxes and a storage locker is usually a fraction of that, and much of the labour would be spent on the move regardless.

6.2 More buyers, not higher valuations

Section 5 concluded that presentation may not change what one buyer thinks a house is worth. The economic return comes from elsewhere: the number of buyers who compete.

Bulow and Klemperer (1996) proved a result that applies directly. A seller does better with a simple auction among N+1 bidders than with the best possible negotiation against N. One additional serious buyer is worth more than any amount of bargaining skill.

A sale is a funnel: photograph, click, showing, second showing, offer. Decluttering works at the top, where the losses are largest and least visible. A buyer who scrolls past a cluttered lead photo never becomes a showing, and the seller never learns that buyer existed.

6.3 Time on market

A faster sale has two financial benefits.

• Carrying costs. Each week on the market costs mortgage interest, property tax, insurance, utilities and any strata or maintenance fees. A seller who has already bought the next home carries two sets.
• Stigma. Taylor (1999) showed that buyers can rationally read a long time on the market as a sign that earlier buyers found something wrong. Stale listings attract lower offers and price reductions.

In NAR's survey, 49% of sellers' agents said staging shortened time on market (NAR, 2025a). Decluttering is the largest component of staging that every seller can do.

6.4 Inspection, appraisal and measurement

Inspectors need to reach the electrical panel, furnace, water heater, attic hatch, crawlspace and the plumbing under sinks. What they cannot reach is reported as not inspected. Each such line is an uncertainty the buyer may price in, ask to re-inspect, or use to reopen negotiation.

The same applies to appraisers, photographers and anyone measuring for a floor plan. Clear access makes each professional's report more complete and more favourable.

6.5 Moving costs

Movers charge by volume, weight or time. Paying to transport things that will be discarded at the other end is pure waste. Sorting before listing means selling, donating or disposing of surplus items first and paying to move only what is wanted.

6.6 Risk during showings

Strangers will walk through the home, sometimes unaccompanied by the owner. Clear floors and stairs reduce the chance of a fall. Putting away small valuables, prescription medication and personal documents removes the obvious targets of theft at showings and open houses.

6.7 Summary of economic routes

7. Virtues and ethical justifications

Decluttering is defensible on ethical grounds as well as commercial ones, provided it reveals the property and does not conceal it.

7.1 Presentation versus concealment

The test is simple: does the action show the property more fully, or hide something about it?

Decluttering shows floors, walls, storage and mechanical access. It is the opposite of concealment, because defects that sat behind furniture become visible. The same physical act done to hide something, such as a rug laid over a damaged floor or boxes stacked against a stained wall, fails the test.

Sellers generally have a legal duty not to conceal known material defects, and disclosure rules vary by jurisdiction. Sellers should follow the advice of their agent and lawyer on what must be disclosed. The practical corollary is that when clearing a room uncovers a problem, the problem should be repaired or disclosed, never covered again.

7.2 Is it manipulation?

The objection is that decluttering exploits the buyer's biases. Four replies answer it.

1. No false statement is made, in words or by arrangement.
2. The buyer receives more accurate information about the property, not less.
3. Clutter is itself a distortion. It makes rooms look smaller and care look poorer than they are. Removing a distortion is not the same as creating one.
4. Buyers' valuations hold up. Lane, Seiler and Seiler (2015) found that presentation changed impressions but not the price buyers were willing to pay.

The buyer remains free to inspect, measure, compare and walk away. Decluttering makes each of those easier.

7.3 The virtues involved

The classical virtues map onto the practice more closely than one might expect.

• Prudence. Acting on the best available evidence where the cost is low and the stakes are high. For most households the home is the largest asset they will ever sell.
• Justice. Giving the buyer an honest view of what they are buying, and protecting the seller from prejudice by removing markers of faith, politics and family.
• Temperance. Recognizing what is enough. A room shows best with what it needs and no more.
• Fortitude. Seeing one's home as a stranger sees it, and letting go of things that were kept from habit.
• Hospitality. Preparing a house for a guest. Respect for a buyer's time and attention is a form of courtesy.
• Stewardship. Passing usable goods to family, charities and resale instead of to landfill.

7.4 The agent's duty

Agents owe clients competent and candid advice. Telling a seller that the home needs clearing is uncomfortable. Withholding that advice to keep a listing appointment pleasant fails the client.

Candour has limits that respect the client's autonomy. The agent explains the reasons and the seller decides. This matters most for religious and cultural objects, where removal can feel like erasure. The agent should give the rationale, which is protection from bias, and leave the choice with the owner.

7.5 The seller's dignity

Leaving a home is a life transition. Sorting possessions deliberately, over weeks, lets a seller review what they have, give things to the people who should have them, and take leave of the place. The alternative is doing the same work in a rush in the last days before completion. For some sellers this is the most valuable result of the exercise, whatever the sale price.

8. Objections and limits

The case for decluttering is strong but not unlimited. Seven objections mark where it weakens.

8.1 "Buyers should see past it"

Some do. Investors, builders and frequent buyers have trained themselves to look at structure and ignore contents. Most households buy a home a handful of times in a lifetime and have no such training.

The limit on attention described in Section 2 is not a failure of intelligence. It applies to everyone. And even a buyer who values a house with perfect rationality must first decide to visit it.

8.2 "The evidence is weak"

This is partly conceded. No study isolates decluttering, and a price effect is unproven.

The decision is one made under uncertainty, and the right question is what the action costs against what it might plausibly return. Weak evidence would be a reason to hesitate over an expensive intervention. For one that is nearly free and partly unavoidable, it is not.

8.3 "In a hot market it makes no difference"

In a strong seller's market most homes sell regardless. The competition mechanism in Section 6, however, is strongest when buyers are plentiful, because that is when one more bidder is easiest to attract and most valuable.

Markets can also turn during a listing. The packing has to be done either way.

8.4 "Decluttered homes feel sterile"

This is a valid objection to over-clearing. Imamoglu's (1973) inverted U showed that moderately furnished rooms were rated more spacious than the extremes. Rooms need enough furniture to show their scale and purpose, and a few objects to show that the house is cared for.

The aim is an edited home, not an empty one.

8.5 "It is too heavy a burden"

For sellers who are elderly, unwell, bereaved or short of time, and for tenanted properties, full decluttering may be unrealistic. The burden is real and should not be waved away.

The answer is proportion. Buyers' agents rank the living room, primary bedroom and kitchen as the rooms that matter most (NAR, 2025a). Clearing floors and surfaces in those rooms, and whatever the camera will see, is far better than nothing. Family, professional organizers and estate services can carry much of the load.

8.6 "The buyer wants the land"

Where the likely buyer is a builder and the structure will be demolished, interior presentation is irrelevant. This is a true limit. The agent's judgment of who the likely buyer is should govern how much effort is warranted.

8.7 "Neutral is not universal"

Ideas of an appealing home vary between communities and markets. What reads as calm and spacious to one buyer pool may read as bare to another. Decluttering should be calibrated to the buyers a property is likely to attract, on the agent's local knowledge.

9. A practical framework

The research converts into nine working principles, a set of room priorities and a sequence.

9.1 Principles

A common rule of thumb in the trade is to leave closets and cupboards between half and two-thirds full. It is a convention, not a research finding, but it is consistent with the evidence on perceived space.

9.2 Priority by room

Where time is short, effort should follow the rooms buyers weigh most. In NAR's 2025 survey, buyers' agents ranked the living room first (37%), then the primary bedroom (34%) and the kitchen (23%) (NAR, 2025a).

9.3 Sequence

Starting several weeks before listing spreads the work and the decisions.

1. Walk through with the agent and note what a buyer and a camera will see in each room.
2. Sort everything not needed for daily life into four groups: pack for the move, give to family, sell or donate, discard.
3. Begin with storage areas and the least sentimental items. Early progress there builds momentum for harder decisions.
4. Clear the priority rooms, then the rest.
5. Depersonalize.
6. Move packed boxes off site, or stack them neatly in one low-priority space.
7. Check access to mechanical equipment and hatches.
8. Deep clean. Cleaning is faster and more thorough once rooms are cleared.
9. Review with the agent or stager, then photograph.
10. While listed, keep one closed bin per room for last-minute items and do a short daily reset.

10. Conclusion

Decluttering is justified on psychological, economic and ethical grounds, and the justification survives a sceptical reading of the evidence.

For the buyer, it removes competition for limited attention, makes rooms easier to read and larger to the eye, supports the inference that the home has been cared for, and leaves room to imagine living there. These mechanisms are well established in general psychology, though most have not been tested on houses.

For the seller, it begins the separation from the property, restores an outsider's view of it, and makes the weeks on the market easier to live through. It also completes work that the move will demand in any case.

For the transaction, it improves the photographs that now act as the first showing, widens the pool of buyers who compete, shortens the likely time on market, and gives inspectors and appraisers full access. Its direct effect on price is unproven, and the best-known controlled study of presentation found none. Its indirect effect through competition is well grounded in theory.

Ethically, it shows the property more fully and conceals nothing, so long as what it uncovers is repaired or disclosed.

The cost is time and effort, and for some sellers that cost is heavy. Where it can be borne, even in part, decluttering is the one preparation that almost every property warrants. That is the reason 91% of agents recommend it, and the reason they are right to.

References

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