Victoria Real Estate Since the 2008 Crash: The Credit Cycle, the Affordability Crisis and the Reckoning Ahead
For nearly two decades, Victoria real estate has been supported by a powerful and largely misunderstood force: the expansion of credit.
Limited land, a mild climate, public-sector employment, retirement demand and migration have all contributed to the region’s high property values. But none of those factors, by themselves, explains the scale of the increase that occurred after the 2008 financial crisis.
The central cause was money.
Interest rates fell to levels that would once have been considered extraordinary. Mortgage credit became easier to carry. Existing homeowners accumulated enormous paper equity. That equity moved between properties, cities and generations. Rising values created confidence, and confidence created further borrowing.
The pandemic then pushed this process to its extreme.
By 2022, Victoria housing prices no longer reflected ordinary local earning power. They reflected emergency interest rates, accumulated housing equity, speculative expectations, government stimulus, remote-work migration and an acute shortage of listings.
That structure has now been destabilized.
Interest rates are lower than at their recent peak, but they have not returned to the conditions that created the boom. Household debt remains extreme. Mortgage renewals are absorbing disposable income. Economic growth is weak. Construction is slowing. Investor economics have deteriorated. Inventory has risen sharply, and the gap between asking prices and what buyers can actually finance is widening.
Victoria remains desirable.
That does not mean its prices are sustainable.
The hard truth is that the market may require a far greater adjustment than most official forecasts, industry commentary and homeowners are prepared to contemplate.
The 2008 Crisis Did Not End the Housing Cycle
The global financial crisis is often remembered as a collapse followed by a recovery.
That description overlooks what actually happened.
The financial system had become dependent on enormous quantities of debt. In the United States, weak mortgages had been packaged into securities and spread throughout the banking system. When defaults rose, confidence disappeared and credit markets froze.
Canada avoided the worst of the American foreclosure crisis. Canadian mortgage underwriting was generally stronger, banks were better capitalized and most borrowers continued making their payments.
But Canada was still part of the same global credit system.
When the crisis arrived, central banks slashed interest rates. Governments borrowed and spent heavily. Financial institutions were supported. Liquidity was created, asset markets were stabilized and a complete debt liquidation was prevented.
These interventions may have avoided a depression.
They also prevented housing prices from fully reconnecting with household incomes.
The underlying imbalance was not eliminated. It was refinanced.
Victoria From 2008 to 2013: A Correction That Never Fully Cleared
Victoria’s market weakened considerably after 2008.
Sales declined. Listings accumulated. Prices softened. Properties purchased near the peak could take years to recover their nominal value. After commissions, inflation, maintenance and transaction costs, some owners sustained substantial real losses even where broad price statistics appeared relatively stable.
But the market did not complete a full cleansing of excess valuation.
Interest rates remained exceptionally low. Mortgage payments became easier to carry. Owners who might otherwise have been forced to sell were able to hold. Financial markets recovered. Household confidence gradually returned.
The result was a correction through time rather than a complete repricing.
That distinction matters because unresolved imbalances do not disappear. They remain embedded in the system and often become larger during the next expansion.
2014 to 2019: Falling Rates Became Higher Land Values
By the middle of the 2010s, Victoria had entered a powerful new cycle.
The region had many legitimate attractions:
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limited developable land;
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a stable public-sector employment base;
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a growing retirement population;
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demand from Vancouver and other more expensive markets;
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a strong lifestyle appeal;
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and a restricted supply of detached homes in established neighbourhoods.
But these factors were amplified by cheap credit.
Most buyers do not purchase a home based solely on its total price. They purchase the monthly payment they can qualify to carry.
When mortgage rates fall, the same household income supports a larger loan. In a competitive market, that additional borrowing capacity does not remain with the buyer. It is capitalized into the selling price.
The seller receives more. The buyer takes on more debt. The house itself has not necessarily become more useful, productive or economically valuable.
The financing environment has simply allowed the purchaser to pay more for it.
This mechanism repeated itself for years.
Lower rates increased borrowing capacity. Higher prices created home equity. That equity funded larger down payments, investment purchases, parental assistance and moves between cities. Rising values appeared to validate the debt used to create them.
The market gradually became dependent on the assumption that property appreciation would continue.
Foreign Capital Was a Factor, but Not the Foundation
Foreign capital influenced parts of the Victoria and Vancouver housing markets, particularly luxury and investment properties.
It was never a complete explanation for the broad inflation in housing.
The deeper forces were domestic:
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mortgage credit;
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low interest rates;
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tax-favoured principal-residence gains;
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intergenerational equity transfers;
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investor demand;
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migration from more expensive Canadian markets;
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and public confidence that real estate was safer than other assets.
Foreign-buyer restrictions could affect a portion of demand, but they could not reverse a pricing structure created across the entire credit system.
The market did not become unaffordable because of one class of buyer.
It became unaffordable because progressively larger amounts of debt and accumulated equity were allowed to chase a limited quantity of housing.
The Pandemic Completed the Inflationary Cycle
At the beginning of the pandemic, many observers expected housing to collapse.
Instead, monetary and fiscal policy produced the most extreme phase of the boom.
Interest rates were reduced to emergency levels. Governments transferred enormous amounts of money into the economy. Many households accumulated savings while travel and discretionary spending were restricted. Remote work increased demand for larger homes, offices, yards and properties outside major employment centres.
Victoria was an obvious beneficiary.
It offered climate, scenery, relative safety, limited density and access to nature. Purchasers arrived from Vancouver, Toronto and elsewhere with equity that local first-time buyers could not match.
At the same time, inventory collapsed.
Fear of missing out replaced disciplined valuation. Multiple offers, unconditional bids and sale prices far above asking became routine. Buyers were told that waiting was more dangerous than overpaying.
But pandemic prices did not establish a permanent new economic value.
They established what buyers could pay under emergency financial conditions that were never likely to last.
The Rate Shock Revealed the Fragility
When inflation accelerated, the Bank of Canada was forced to raise interest rates aggressively.
That change exposed the market’s dependence on cheap money.
A buyer qualifying for a mortgage near 2% could not borrow the same amount at 5% or 6%. Incomes did not rise enough to compensate. Down payments did not suddenly become larger. Property taxes, insurance, food and other expenses were also increasing.
The purchasing-power support beneath the market weakened sharply.
Yet prices did not collapse immediately.
Housing is slow to adjust because most owners are not compelled to sell at once. Sellers can withdraw listings. Banks can extend amortizations. Families can reduce spending. Parents can provide assistance. Investors can absorb losses. Owners can postpone moving.
This produces a period of low sales and apparent price stability.
It is often described as resilience.
In reality, it may be a standoff between sellers anchored to yesterday’s prices and buyers constrained by today’s financing.
Why Lower Policy Rates Have Not Restored the Boom
The Bank of Canada has already reduced its policy rate significantly from its peak.
That has not restored affordability.
There are several reasons.
First, the central-bank policy rate is not the same as a fixed mortgage rate. Fixed mortgage costs are influenced by government bond yields, inflation expectations, global capital markets and lender pricing.
Second, the Bank of Canada cannot disregard inflation in order to protect homeowners. If it cuts too aggressively, the Canadian dollar may weaken, imported goods may become more expensive and inflation may reaccelerate.
Third, large government deficits and borrowing requirements can place upward pressure on longer-term yields.
Fourth, Canada remains exposed to energy prices, global conflict, trade disruption and economic weakness in the United States.
Fifth, the problem is no longer just the mortgage rate. It is the enormous principal amount to which that rate applies.
A 4% mortgage is not inexpensive when the underlying property price is $1.3 million.
The market does not merely need slightly cheaper financing. It needs prices, incomes and borrowing costs to return to a sustainable relationship.
That has not happened.
Government Cannot Rescue Every Part of the System
Governments face a fundamental contradiction.
They claim to want housing affordability, but the financial system, consumer economy and political establishment are deeply dependent on high property values.
A genuine affordability improvement requires some combination of:
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lower prices;
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much higher real incomes;
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cheaper financing;
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or an enormous increase in suitable housing supply.
Each path presents serious problems.
Large price declines would damage household balance sheets, reduce consumer confidence, weaken collateral and create political backlash.
Rapid wage growth would raise costs throughout the economy and could sustain inflation, preventing meaningful rate reductions.
Very cheap credit would risk another asset bubble, further currency weakness and renewed inflation.
Massive new construction is constrained by land costs, financing, labour, regulations, municipal charges, infrastructure limitations and weak project economics.
The government cannot simultaneously preserve current values, restore affordability, suppress inflation, maintain the currency, reduce deficits and produce abundant housing.
Some objective must give way.
Income Is Unlikely to Rescue Affordability
One of the least credible assumptions in conventional housing analysis is that incomes will gradually rise until affordability improves.
That may happen in nominal accounting terms. It does not mean households become wealthier.
A worker may receive a 3% raise while food, insurance, taxes, rent, utilities and debt payments rise by an equal or greater amount. The paycheque is larger, but real disposable income is unchanged or lower.
Canada also faces weak productivity growth, high debt, elevated taxation, weak business investment and a large public-sector burden.
These are not the conditions for a broad surge in real private-sector income.
Even if wages rose rapidly, that would create another problem. Higher labour costs would increase the price of construction, services, healthcare, government and consumer goods. Inflation could remain elevated, limiting the Bank of Canada’s ability to cut rates.
Victoria’s price-to-income gap is too large to be repaired by modest wage increases.
For incomes alone to restore affordability, wages would have to rise dramatically for many years while house prices remained stagnant and inflation stayed controlled.
That is theoretically possible.
It is not the most probable outcome.
The Mortgage-Renewal Wave Is an Economic Drain
A large share of Canadian mortgages will renew through the end of 2027.
Many were arranged during the unusually low-rate period of 2021 and 2022.
Not every renewal will cause a default. That is not the correct test.
The important question is what happens to household cash flow.
A borrower paying several hundred dollars more each month has less money for vehicles, travel, restaurants, repairs, renovations, retail purchases and investments. Across millions of households, that becomes a major drag on the economy.
Some borrowers will extend amortizations. Some will borrow elsewhere. Some will reduce retirement savings. Some investors will tolerate negative cash flow. Some will sell.
The system can avoid a spectacular foreclosure crisis while still suffering a prolonged contraction in spending, mobility and housing demand.
That kind of deterioration is slower and less dramatic than a crash.
It can also be more persistent.
Victoria Inventory Is Sending a Warning
By May 2026, active listings in the Victoria Real Estate Board region had reached their highest level in eleven years.
This is one of the clearest signs that the market has changed.
Inventory gives buyers power.
When alternatives are available, purchasers can reject compromised properties, outdated renovations, difficult locations, high strata fees, deferred maintenance and unrealistic prices.
During a shortage, buyers compete with one another.
During an inventory build, sellers compete with one another.
The broad benchmark for a detached home may appear relatively stable, but that does not mean every seller can achieve last year’s price. Benchmark models do not show every expired listing, reduction, repair allowance, concession or failed transaction.
The market can deteriorate materially beneath a flat headline number.
Condominiums May Be the First Major Pressure Point
The condominium market faces several simultaneous problems.
Strata fees are rising. Insurance is expensive. Labour and construction costs have increased. Aging buildings require major work. Depreciation reports reveal future liabilities that may previously have remained vague.
Investors also face increasingly poor economics.
Purchase prices remain high relative to rents. Mortgage interest, property taxes, strata fees, insurance, repairs and vacancy can produce substantial negative cash flow.
That may be tolerated when investors expect rapid appreciation.
It is much harder to justify when prices are stagnant or falling.
New condominium projects may complete into a weak resale and rental environment. Developers may offer incentives rather than publicly cutting prices, but the economic effect is the same.
The most vulnerable properties are likely to include:
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older buildings with inadequate reserves;
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units facing large special assessments;
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small investor-oriented apartments;
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properties with high monthly fees;
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poorly located buildings;
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and projects purchased at peak presale prices.
The broad average may decline gradually while individual units lose much more.
Reduced Construction Is Not Automatically Bullish
A common argument holds that construction cancellations will reduce supply and therefore restore price growth.
That argument is incomplete.
Reduced construction also means:
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layoffs;
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less spending on materials and services;
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lower municipal fee revenue;
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weaker developer balance sheets;
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fewer real-estate and professional-service transactions;
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abandoned or delayed projects;
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and lower economic confidence.
The loss of income and employment can weaken demand faster than reduced construction restricts supply.
Victoria can therefore experience a housing shortage and falling property values at the same time.
There may be too few homes for the number of people who need housing, but also too few buyers with the income, equity and credit necessary to purchase those homes at current prices.
Need is not the same as effective demand.
Migration May No Longer Be Enough
Victoria has long benefited from migration.
Retirees, professionals and homeowners from more expensive markets have arrived with equity that exceeds the resources of many local buyers.
That source of demand may continue, but it cannot be treated as limitless.
If Vancouver and Toronto weaken, relocating owners bring less equity with them.
If financial markets decline, retirees have smaller portfolios.
If unemployment rises, fewer households relocate voluntarily.
If immigration and population growth slow, rental and entry-level ownership demand weakens.
Victoria remains attractive, but attractiveness does not determine how much buyers can pay.
The price is determined by their financial capacity.
A Stock-Market Decline Would Matter Greatly
Victoria has a large population of retirees, investors, business owners and equity-rich purchasers.
That makes the region sensitive to financial-market conditions.
A major equity-market decline would reduce down payments, retirement wealth and confidence. Purchasers who had intended to sell securities to buy property may postpone or abandon the transaction.
This matters particularly in luxury and discretionary markets, where buyers are less dependent on employment income and more dependent on accumulated assets.
Victoria is therefore not protected from a national or global asset correction.
It is exposed to several asset markets at once.
The Public-Sector Buffer Has Limits
Victoria’s government employment base provides more stability than an economy dependent on one mine, mill or industrial employer.
But public-sector employment is not an unlimited shield.
Governments operating with large deficits may restrain hiring, delay projects, cut contractors or allow inflation to reduce the real value of wages.
Private-sector businesses serving government workers still depend on household spending.
Construction, tourism, retail, technology, hospitality, real estate and professional services remain vulnerable to recession.
The public sector can delay economic damage.
It cannot repeal it.
How the Adjustment Is Likely to Occur
The next phase may not resemble the rapid American housing collapse of 2008.
Canada’s adjustment is more likely to be drawn out and uneven.
It may occur through:
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nominal price declines;
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inflation eroding real values;
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low transaction volumes;
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long listing periods;
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repeated price reductions;
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seller concessions;
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project incentives;
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negative investor cash flow;
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extended mortgage amortizations;
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estate and divorce sales;
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construction failures;
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and gradual exhaustion among sellers.
This can produce a market that appears stable in official statistics while delivering poor real returns and large losses on individual properties.
2026: The Market Standoff
For the remainder of 2026, the most probable outcome is continued conflict between seller expectations and buyer capacity.
Inventory is elevated. Buyers have more choice. Sellers who do not need to move may refuse lower offers and withdraw their listings.
That can prevent a rapid benchmark decline, but it does not create strength.
It creates illiquidity.
Condominiums, investor properties, compromised houses and overpriced luxury homes are likely to show the greatest pressure.
Prime properties may still sell well, but their success should not be mistaken for the condition of the broader market.
2027: The Pressure Becomes More Visible
By 2027, more borrowers will have renewed at higher payments.
The cumulative effect on consumer spending, investment demand and household confidence should become more visible.
Investors who have carried negative cash flow for several years may begin to sell. Owners facing divorce, death, relocation, job loss or financial strain will create genuine price discovery.
If unemployment rises or equity markets weaken, the process could accelerate.
A broad decline of 5% to 10% from 2026 levels would not be surprising. Weaker segments could fall considerably more.
2028 to 2030: Repricing Toward Diminished Purchasing Power
There is no guarantee that 2028 or 2029 will bring a healthy recovery.
The market may simply continue adjusting until prices correspond with what a smaller and financially weaker buyer pool can support.
The eventual floor could be established through:
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lower nominal prices;
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years of inflation;
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reduced household formation;
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tighter lending;
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population slowdown;
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investor withdrawal;
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financial-market losses;
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and distressed or unavoidable sales.
This is not prosperity restoring equilibrium.
It is demand destruction.
The market stops falling when the remaining buyers can once again finance the remaining prices—not necessarily when the population becomes more prosperous or housing becomes genuinely affordable.
What Scale of Decline Is Plausible?
No exact forecast is reliable.
The market is influenced by interest rates, employment, inflation, credit, migration, equity markets, government policy and global events. Any one of these can alter the path.
But the risk is now asymmetrical.
There is much more room for prices to fall than for household incomes to rise enough to justify them.
A Slow Erosion Scenario
The economy avoids a serious recession, employment remains relatively stable and rates decline modestly.
Nominal prices may fall only gradually or move sideways for years.
Inflation, however, could still reduce real property values by 15% to 25% over time.
This would be a substantial correction disguised as stability.
A More Probable Downturn
Growth remains weak, mortgage renewals reduce spending, inventory stays elevated and investors retreat.
Under this scenario, broad Greater Victoria values could decline approximately 10% to 20% in nominal terms from current or recent levels.
Condominiums, weaker houses and luxury properties could decline by 20% to 30%.
A Severe Economic Contraction
Canada enters a meaningful recession. Unemployment rises. Stock markets fall. Toronto and Vancouver weaken. Credit becomes more restrictive.
Under that scenario, broad Victoria values could decline 20% to 30%.
Individual properties could lose considerably more, particularly those purchased in pandemic bidding wars, those requiring major work and those with limited resale appeal.
These figures are not certainties.
They are plausible consequences of the current imbalance.
Why Prime Victoria Property May Still Hold Up Better
Not every property will behave the same way.
Exceptional waterfront, scarce land, architecturally significant homes and prime walkable locations may hold value better because their supply is genuinely limited and their buyers are often less dependent on ordinary mortgage qualification.
But “better” is relative.
A property can outperform the regional market and still lose value.
A prime home declining 10% while a compromised home declines 25% is not evidence that scarcity prevented a correction.
It means scarcity reduced the damage.
What Buyers Should Understand
Buyers should not assume that a lower asking price automatically represents value.
The correct questions are:
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Can the property be carried at realistic future interest rates?
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What repairs and capital costs are likely?
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Is the strata adequately funded?
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How many competing properties could come to market?
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Would the property remain desirable in a weaker economy?
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Can the buyer tolerate years of stagnant or falling value?
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Is the purchase based on utility, or on an assumption of appreciation?
A good property purchased on defensible terms may still be a sensible long-term acquisition.
But the belief that Victoria real estate must soon resume rising is not an adequate investment thesis.
What Sellers Should Understand
Sellers must separate historical value from present purchasing power.
A previous sale, assessment or pandemic-era offer does not guarantee a buyer can finance the same price today.
Overpricing is especially dangerous in a weakening market.
A property can follow the market downward through repeated reductions, eventually selling for less than it might have achieved with accurate initial pricing.
The first serious offer may not be an insult.
It may be evidence of the market that actually exists.
The Central Truth
Victoria’s housing market was not lifted solely by land scarcity, climate, migration or lifestyle.
It was lifted by a historic expansion of credit.
The post-2008 system suppressed borrowing costs, preserved asset values and encouraged households to take on larger debts. The pandemic then drove that system to an extreme.
The reversal has begun, but it has not finished.
Rate reductions have not restored affordability. Real household purchasing power is weak. Mortgage renewals are draining cash flow. Construction is deteriorating. Inventory has risen. Investor economics are poor. Government policy is internally contradictory, and the Bank of Canada cannot freely inflate housing without risking renewed inflation and currency damage.
Victoria’s desirability remains real.
So does arithmetic.
A market cannot remain permanently detached from the incomes, rents and financing capacity that support it.
The adjustment could occur slowly. It could be hidden by inflation. It could be interrupted by temporary rallies. It could strike condominiums and inferior properties long before exceptional homes.
But unless Canada returns to another unsustainable experiment in extraordinarily cheap money, Victoria property values will ultimately have to reconnect with the economic capacity of the people expected to buy them.
That reconnection is unlikely to be painless.
It may involve falling prices, shrinking wealth, lower construction, weaker employment, reduced mobility and years of poor real returns.
The final equilibrium may not be prosperous, affordable or socially healthy.
It may simply be the point at which sellers have accepted what financially diminished buyers can pay.
That is the risk the Victoria market now faces.
